Showing posts with label pseudoscience. Show all posts
Showing posts with label pseudoscience. Show all posts

Friday, 1 April 2016

Binaural Beats & Lucid Dreaming

This is a comprehensive article explaining binaural beats and how they can be used in lucid dreaming. This article attempts to take a balanced view of using binaural beats for lucid dreaming and therefore presents the evidence for and against their successfulness in lucid dream induction. Here are a list of the contents of this article, in chronological order, for your guidance:

CONTENTS
  1. Introduction & history of research
  2. Cortical oscillation and electroencephalography (EEG)
  3. Brainwave frequency bands
  4. Neurophysiological origin of binaural beat perception
  5. Brainwaves & mental state
  6. Brainwave entrainment
  7. Binaural beats & brainwave entrainment
  8. Binaural beats – the brain, mind & consciousness controversy
  9. Binaural beats - the sceptics view
  10. The neuroscientific evidence for brainwave synchronization & lucid dreaming
  11. Advantages of brainwave entrainment & altered states of consciousness for lucid dreamers
  12. Instructions for inducing lucid dreams using binaural beats

Introduction & history of research
A binaural beat is an auditory illusion which is perceived by the listener when 2 different pure-tone sine waves - both with frequencies lower than 1500 Hz, with less than a 40 Hz difference between them - are presented ‘dichotically’ (this means one through each ear). For example, if a 530 Hz pure tone is presented to a listener’s right ear and a 520 Hz pure tone is presented to the listener’s left ear, the listener will perceive the auditory illusion of a third tone, in addition to the 2 pure-tones presented to each ear. The third sound is called a ‘binaural beat’, and the example, presented above, would have a perceived pitch correlating to a frequency of 10 Hz, this being the difference between the 530 Hz and 520 Hz pure tones presented separately to each ear.

Binaural basically means ‘to hear with 2 ears’. Binaural beats were originally discovered in 1839 by physicist Heinrich Wilhelm Dove and the term was first introduced in 1856. The phenomenon was investigated extensively by German philosopher and psychologist, Carl Stumpf (1848 – 1936), in 1916. Stumpf distinguished between diotic listening – the simultaneous stimulation of both ears with the same stimulus; and dichotic listening – the stimulation of both ears with different stimuli. Subsequently, it became known that binaural listening is the means of determining geolocation and the direction of sound.

Binaural hearing was first studied by Scottish-American physician, William Charles Wells (1757 – 1817) in 1792, following his earlier research into binocular vision and how the eyes perceive and mix colours. He wanted to explain how listening with both ears affected the perception of sound. From 1792 – 1802, Italian physicist, Giovanni Battista Venturi (1746 - 1822) conducted a series of experiments which were intended to prove the nature of binaural hearing. He found that the unequal impressions of sound perceived at the same time by both ears is what determined the correct direction of sound. Venturi's experiments were repeated and confirmed by Lord Rayleigh (1842 - 1919), almost 75 years later.

German physicist Ernst Florens Friedrich Chladni (1756 - 1827), a contemporary of Venturi who is cited as the ‘father of acoustics’ conducted experiments to investigate the behaviour of vibrating strings and plates and the ways in which sound was perceived. He agreed with Venturi’s conclusion, claiming that the location and direction of sound was determined by detecting differences in a sound between before ears (including amplitude and frequency). He used the term ‘interaural differences’.

English scientist Charles Wheatstone (1802 - 1875); German physicist Ernst Heinrich Weber (1795 – 1878); and August Seebeck (1805 – 1849) also researched the phenomenon of binaural hearing. It was found that binocular vision and binaural hearing did not work the same way; when a different colour was presented to each eye, the colours did not follow the laws of the combination of colours from the different bands of the spectrum, but rather they competed for perceptual attention. Wheatstone found that when the 2 different sounds are presented to each ear, the third sound which results from the coincidence of their vibrations (the ‘grave harmonic) is a form of perceptual fusion.

Binaural hearing received attention from physicist Louis Trenchard More (1870 – 1944);and chemist Harry Shipley Fry (1878 - 1949, both of the University of Cincinnati; scientists H A Wilson and Charles Samuel Myers, of King's College London; and American physicist Alfred M Mayer (1836 – 1897), each of whom conducted experimental investigations with intent to discover the means by which human subjects ascertain the location, origin, and direction of sound, believing this to be in some way dependent on dichotic hearing - listening to sound through both ears.

It was in fact the invention of the stethoscope by René Théophile Hyacinthe Laennec (1781 - 1826), which presented a huge leap in our understanding of binaural hearing. Based on the stethoscope, Somerville Scott Alison, who coined the term ‘binaural’, developed the differential stethophone. Unlike the stethoscope which used 2 separate sound-source pieces which enabled the listener to hear and compare sounds from 2 discrete locations, the stethophone has a single sound-source piece which would be placed on the chest, allowing the listener to identify the source of a sound through the process of binaural hearing. Alison referred to his device as a ‘binaural stethoscope’.


Cortical oscillation and electroencephalography (EEG)
Neuron activity generates electrical currents in the brain. The synchronous action of neural ensembles in the cerebral cortex, producing macroscopic oscillations, can be monitored and recorded on a graph by an electroencephalogram (EEG). These oscillations are commonly known as ‘brainwaves’. Neural oscillations – or brainwaves – are rhythmic or repetitive electrochemical activity which happens in the brain and the central nervous system. Neural tissue produces activity within individual neurons, or through interactions between different neurons. Brainwave frequency can also be adjusted to synchronize with the periodicity of an external visual or acoustic stimuli. This is important to remember when we consider how binaural beats might work in practice. 

The technique of recording brainwaves from electrochemical readings taken from the scalp was developed by Richard Caton in 1975 and furthered by the work of Hans Berger (who invented EEG) in the 1920s. Berger first described the frequency bands Delta, Theta, Alpha, and Beta.

Brainwave frequency bands
The fluctuating frequency of oscillations generated by the synchronous activity of cortical neurons, measurable with an electroencephalogram (EEG), via electrodes attached to the scalp, are conveniently categorized into general bands, in order of decreasing frequency, measured in Hertz (Hz) as follows:
  • Gamma: 30 - 50 Hz (Transition into the waking state) - increased intelligence and higher mental activity, perception formation of ideas and problem-solving, linguistics, control and willpower, heightened sensory awareness, increased compassion and happiness, fear-responses
  • Beta: 14 - 30 Hz (Waking state) - concentration, attention, alertness, arousal, increased energy, emotional stability, cognition, logic, reasoning & critical thinking, anxiety-response/paranoia, ‘fight or flight effect’
  • Alpha: 8 - 14 Hz (Awake, but relaxed, meditative or drowsy state – just prior to sleep or upon waking) - unconscious or detached/relaxed focus, relaxation, meditation, light trance, super-learning, increased creativity, serotonin production, pre-sleep & pre-wake drowsiness, beginning to access subconscious mind in the conscious state, heightened intuition, receptiveness to suggestion/hypnosis, increased imagination and visualization, increased motivation, happiness
  • Theta: 4 - 8 Hz (During REM/dream sleep) - hypnagogia, trance, deep meditation, heightened receptivity, access to the subconscious mind, increased production of catecholamines (for memory & learning), increased creativity, integrative emotional experiences, inner peace and emotional wellbeing, 
  • Delta: 0.1 - 4 Hz (During deep (slow-wave), dreamless sleep) - production of the human growth hormone, production of melatonin, restful and restoration healing of the body, loss of bodily/physical awareness, trance, deep detached meditation, access to the deep subconscious 
In addition, three further wave forms are often differentiated in electroencephalographic studies:
  • Mu: 8 - 12 Hz
  • Sigma (sleep spindle): 12 - 14 Hz
  • SMR (sensory motor rhythm): 12.5 - 15.5 Hz

Neurophysiological origin of binaural beat perception
Binaural beat perception originates in the inferior colliculus of the midbrain and the superior olivary complex of the brainstem. This is where auditory signals from each ear are integrated and precipitate electrical impulses, along neural pathways through the reticular formation up the midbrain to the thalamus, auditory cortex, and other cortical regions.

Brainwaves & mental state
Following the ability to measure such brainwaves, developed by Berger, there has been a ubiquitous consensus that EEG readings depict brainwave wave form patterns which alter over time. 

It has been established that these brainwave patterns correlate with the aspects of the subject's mental and emotional state, mental status, and degree of consciousness and vigilance. EEG measurements, including frequency and amplitude of the brainwaves, correlate with different perceptual, motor and cognitive states. Furthermore, brainwaves alter in response to changes in environmental stimuli - including sound and music. 

The degree and nature of alteration is partially dependent on individual perception - the same stimulus may cause different changes in brainwaves and EEG readings in different people. The process of changing the frequency of brainwaves by synchronizing them with external acoustic of photic stimuli, causing alterations in the cognitive and emotional state of the individual is called neuronal or brainwave entrainment. This is the process we are hopefully performing when we use binaural beats for lucid dreaming.

Brainwave entrainment
Entrainment was originally derived from complex systems theory. It denotes the ways in which 2 or more independent, autonomous autonomous oscillators (with different rhythms of frequencies) interact and mutually influence each other to the degree that they both adjust and start to oscillate at the same frequency. 

The concept of entrainment was first identified by Dutch physicist Christiaan Huygens in 1665, who conducted an experiment into the synchronization of clock pendulums. He found that entrainment occurs because small amounts of energy are transferred between the 2 systems which begin out of phase, and this produces negative feedback. As the 2 systems (i.e. the pendulums) assume a more stable relationship the negative energy is gradually reduced to zero – one pendulum (with the greater frequency) slows down and the other (with the lesser frequency) speeds up.

The term entrainment has subsequently been used to refer to a shared tendency of many physical and biological systems which synchronize their periodicity and rhythm through this form of interaction and influence. The main body of research centres on music and acoustics. One of the most familiar examples of neuro-motor entrainment to acoustic stimuli is tapping a foot spontaneously to the rhythm of a song.

Exogenous rhythmic entrainment occurs outside of the body and in many different ways. For example, when we speak, we adjust the rhythm of out speech patterns to the person we are communicating with; and when an audience claps hands, it is usually in rhythmic unison – i.e. ‘in time with everyone else’. 

Research has also shown that even amongst groups of complete strangers, breathing rates, locomotive and subtle expressive motor movements and speech patterns synchronize and entrain in response to acoustic stimuli – such as music with a consistent rhythm. In both humans and some animals (cats and monkeys, for example), repetitive tactile stimulation (i.e. stroking) has been shown to cause changes in brainwaves and EEG readings. Endogenous entrainment occurs within the body and includes the synchronization of human circadian sleep-wake cycles to the 24-hour cycle of light and dark; and the synchronization of a heartbeat to a cardiac pacemaker.

Binaural beats & brainwave entrainment
Brainwaves (neural oscillations) share the fundamental constituents with acoustic and optical wave forms - including frequency, amplitude, and periodicity. Brainwave entrainment is a layman’s term for such 'neural entrainment'. This denotes the way in which brainwaves synchronize with external stimuli, such as light or sound. 

The scientific term for what happens is known as ‘Frequency Following Response effect’ (FFR). This happens when your brain begins to resonate with the binaural beat, or ‘follow’ the beat, and this phenomenon was thoroughly researched and tested in 1973 by biophysicist Gerald Oster at Mount Sinai Hospital in New York City. His research on binaural beats and the Frequency Following Response was published in Scientific American and paved the way for further development in the area of auditory stimulation to enhance brain functioning.

Uses of audio, with embedded binaural beats (mixed with music, white or pink noise or various forms of background sound), for creating different mental states or states of altered consciousness, is very popular. Binaural beats have been designed for multiple purposes, ranging from relaxation, meditation and stress reduction; pain management; improved sleep quality or decrease in sleep requirements; ‘super-learning’; enhanced creativity and intuition; remote viewing, telepathy, astral projection and out-of-body experience; and lucid dreaming. 

Of course, some of these activities of states of consciousness (specifically those relating to extra-sensory perception or astral projection and OBEs, are disputed and categorized as pseudoscience), but the purpose of this article is not to discredit or debunk reported uses for binaural beats, but rather explain the science behind them and how they might be used, as well as assessing evidence for their effectiveness on the whole. Audio which is embedded with binaural beats is often combined with various meditation techniques, as well as positive affirmations and visualization. 

It is unclear whether passively listening to binaural beats is able to create an altered state of consciousness in the listener. An individual’s subjective response to the binaural beats may be mediated by a number of external factors, for example, the existing emotional or mental state of the listener at the time. For example, someone who is already in a calm and relaxed may be frame of mind may therefore find that using binaural beats for meditation does enhance their experience. 

Likewise, someone who is already focused on a learning task may find that using a binaural beat to increase concentration heightens their cognitive abilities. Therefore, the willingness and inherent abilities of the listener may have an effect on whether binaural beats work for this particular individual. 

Some sceptics claim that binaural beats produce no more than a mere placebo effect for those who believe they will produce a particular result. If this is true, then it doesn’t necessarily suggest binaural beats are ineffective – if using them creates the right frame of mind and assists the listener is achieving their set goal, then use had been beneficial and worthwhile. 

Rossi (1986) found that a receptiveness and willingness to focus may be responsible for some effectiveness of the binaural beat in inducing a change in the listener’s brainwaves. Ultradian rhythms in the nervous system are responsible for changes in arousal and states of consciousness, and some research (Rossi, 1986) suggests that these naturally-occurring shifts may explain why binaural beats have fluctuations in effectiveness. 

Oster (1973) found that using white noise as a background for binaural beats tends to increase perception in the listener. Other practices, such as humming, toning, breathing exercises, autogenic training, and/or biofeedback can also be used to increase the effectiveness of binaural beats in resistant individuals (Tart, 1975).

One of the major problems in studying brain entrainment and the effectiveness of using binaural beats is the fact that humans rarely hear frequencies below 20 HZ, which covers the range of Delta, Theta, Alpha and low-mid Beta brainwaves. One method which has been used is to measure EEG while the subject listens to the binaural beats. 

There is significant evidence which shows that listening to binaural beats can cause auditory driving and brainwaves can be synchronized and entrained to the frequency of the binaural beat. Such readings are supported by self-reported changes in cognitive and emotional states. 

However, many self-reports are based on the use of binaural beats which combined the stimuli with other sounds, such as music or verbal guidance (i.e. guided meditation). This may have an effect or influence on how the listener responds – few studies have isolated the effects of just the binaural beat. 

Some initial research has found that binaural beats may have some influence on low frequency and high frequency components of heart rate and may increase feelings of relaxation. In addition, it is accepted that listening to music and other sounds can cause automatic arousal through entrainment of the brainwaves, especially drum rhythms. 

Some forms of auditory stimulation have been demonstrated to cause improvement in the immune system; facilitate relaxation; improve mood; heighten cognitive functioning; and reduce stress. This suggests that there are many therapeutic advantages to listening to music, regardless of whether the outcome can be attributed to brainwave entrainment – it is the well-established principle upon which receptive music therapy (i.e. the individual listens to music, rather than actively making it) - used in the treatment of a range of physical and mental conditions - is founded. 

Using EEG technology, it is also possible to use neurological music therapy which may contribute to the treatment and management of disorders characterized by impairment to parts of the brain and central nervous system - including stroke, traumatic brain injury, cerebral palsy, autism, Parkinson's disease, Huntington's disease and Alzheimer's disease.

Historically, music and percussive performance (i.e. drumming) has been fundamental to ritualistic ceremony and spiritual practice. Many indigenous people believe it can be used to communicate with spiritual energies and entities. There is no solid scientific evidence which can confirm this, but contemporary research has found that listening to rhythmic sounds – especially percussion – can induce the subjective experience of altered states of consciousness with different brainwave patterns, associated with meditation and hypnosis. The EEG readings of a person who is meditating is comparable to the reading taken from a person listening to Alpha and Theta binaural beats.

Binaural beats – the brain, mind & consciousness controversy
Since the days of the ancient Greek philosophers, questions concerning the nature of the brain, mind and consciousness have been raised, but we have still not resolved the issue of the mind-body relationship and whether consciousness exists as part of the physical brain. 

Modern neuroscientists locate the mind within the physical brain and state that consciousness is the result of electrochemical neurological activity. This would suggest that consciousness can be changed by using external means (such as electrodes) to produce a certain type of electrochemical activity – or brainwave activity.

However, there have been a number of studies which suggest the contrary – that the mind (or consciousness) is separate from the physical brain although this needs to be proven by solid, credible neuroscientific evidence from laboratory studies. 

So far, there has been no neurophysiological research which conclusively proves that higher mental states (for example intuition, insight, creativity, imagination, understanding, reasoning, intent, decision, knowing, will etc) are located in the physical tissue of the brain (Hunt, 1995). These controversies may only be resolved by scientists taking an epistemological shift towards studies which include extra-rational mental activity, rather than focusing on just the neurochemical brain (de Quincy, 1994). Despite this, we are in the midst of an exciting period of science, with modern technology and rapid new discoveries in neuroscience and psychology, leading a new ‘revolution’ in the study of consciousness (Owens, 1995).

We are in the midst of a revolution focusing on the study of consciousness (Owens, 1995). Penfield, an eminent contemporary neurophysiologist, found that the human mind continued to work in spite of the brain’s reduced activity under anaesthesia. Brainwaves were nearly absent, while the mind was just as active as in the waking state. The only difference was in the content of the conscious experience. Following Penfield’s work, other researchers have reported awareness in comatose patients (Hunt, 1995) and there is a growing body of evidence which suggests that reduced cortical arousal, while maintaining conscious awareness, is possible (Fischer, 1971; West 1980; Delmonte, 1984; Goleman 1988; Jevning, Wallace & Beidenbach, 1992; Wallace, 1986; Mavromatis, 1991). These states have been variously referred to as meditative, trance, altered, hypnagogic, hypnotic, and twilight-learning states (Budzynski, 1986). 

These various forms of ‘altered states’ involve the maintenance of conscious awareness in a physiologically reduced state of arousal (Mavromatis, 1991). Recent physiological studies of highly hypnotizable subjects and expert meditators indicate that maintaining awareness with reduced cortical arousal is indeed possible in selected individuals as either a natural ability or as an acquired skill (Sabourin, Cutcomb, Crawford & Pribram, 1993). 

Increasingly, scientists are expressing doubts about the neurologists’ brain-mind model because it fails to answer so many questions about our ordinary experiences, as well as evading our mystical and spiritual ones. Some claim that the scientific evidence supporting the phenomenon of remote viewing alone is sufficient to show that mind-consciousness is not a local phenomenon (McMoneagle, 1993). 

However, these studies have numerous methodological flaws and require support from more rigorous, peer-reviewed, double-blind laboratory studies, which are capable of producing replicable results, before such findings can be cited as legitimate evidence for remote viewing. For many scientists, this research falls firmly within the sphere of pseudoscience.

Questions might arise such as: if mind-consciousness is not the brain, why then does science relate states of consciousness and mental functioning to brainwave frequencies? And how is it that audio with embedded binaural beats alters brainwaves? The first question can be answered in terms of instrumentation; there is no objective way to measure mind or consciousness with an instrument in a laboratory or otherwise – we can only record and analyse that which produces a physical change which can be objectively observed. 

Mind-consciousness appears to be a field phenomenon which interfaces with the body and the neurological structures of the brain (Hunt, 1995). One cannot measure this field directly with current instrumentation or technology. On the other hand, the electrical potentials of brainwaves can be measured and easily quantified because they produce an observable physical change. 

The problem here lies in oversimplification of the observations - EEG patterns measured on the cortex are the result of electroneurological activity of the brain, but the brain’s electroneurological activity is not mind-consciousness. EEG measurements then are only an indirect means of assessing the mind-consciousness interface with the neurological structures of the brain. As crude as this may seem, the EEG has been a reliable way for researchers to estimate states of consciousness based on the relative proportions of EEG frequencies; this is because certain EEG patterns have been historically associated with specific states of consciousness. It is reasonable to assume, given the current EEG literature, that if a specific EEG pattern emerges it is probably accompanied by a particular state of consciousness. 

Therefore, with binaural beats, because we know which frequencies of brainwaves accompany which states of consciousness (we can compare the brainwaves of someone in a deep state of meditation or a dream by monitoring their EEG readings in each state, plus we can monitor corresponding physical signs, such as reduced heart rate, rapid eye movement etc); we know which binaural beats – at the correct frequency and amplitude – to use to encourage the brain to act in a way (synchronise) to create these altered states of consciousness.

This is because audio with embedded binaural beats alters the electrochemical environment of the brain and therefore allows mind-consciousness to have different experiences – altered states of consciousness. Perceived reality changes depending on the state of consciousness of the perceiver (Tart, 1975) - some states of consciousness provide limited views of reality, while others provide an expanded awareness of reality - for example, altered states of consciousness associated with the use of psychedelic drugs). 

Mainly, states of consciousness change in response to the ever-changing internal environment and surrounding stimulation, for example, states of consciousness are subject to influences like drugs and circadian and ultradian rhythms (Rossi, 1986; Shannahoff-Khalsa, 1991; Webb & Dube, 1981). Specific states of consciousness can also be learned as adaptive behaviours to demanding circumstances – for example dissociative states as a result of traumatizing physical environment (Green and Green, 1986).

Binaural beats - the sceptics view
One of the main criticisms of binaural beats isn’t focused on the science behind the claims, but rather the rapidly-growing industry for binaural beats, which are sold as part of various brain entrainment packages, profiting from claims that using these programmes or audio products will have extraordinarily successful results in triggering a range of desired mental states or processes. The fact is, you can access the same quality binaural beats for free using Youtube, or even make your own using simply acoustic software, some of which is available online.

Some manufacturers of binaural beat products label them as ‘digital drugs’ and there have even been bold suggestions that using certain binaural beats can mimic the effect of specific pharmaceutical drugs. Any such claims – or promises that using binaural beat technology and brain entrainment can produce ‘super powers’ – should be treated with scepticism. 

The fact is, the states or frequencies of brainwave activity, identified and categorized as alpha, beat, theta, gamma etc are associated with a very broad range of different mental states and processes, all of which are given a very general description, such as ‘relaxed and meditative’ or ‘focused’. Our brains naturally produce these types of brainwave activity at various points, so binaural beats do not create a mental state which we do not experience anyway – they may simply assist us in achieving what our brain can and will ordinarily do in specific circumstances, for example – when we are drifting off to sleep or concentrating on a cognitive task.

Such claims presume that it is possible to pinpoint the precise frequency of the EEG in each of the desired mental states or conditions - the fact is that brainwaves do not work that way. It is wholly and absolutely implausible to say that desired mental state X will occur if the EEG reads exactly Y Hz.

A 2008 study at Hofstra University played two different binaural beats and a control sound (running water) to patients with high blood pressure - there was no difference between results from each of the groups. In one small study from Japan, published in the Journal of Neurophysiology (2006), researchers played various binaural beats to 9 subjects, and observed the resulting EEGs, finding great variability in the results. The conclusion was that listening to binaural beats can produce activity on the human cerebral cortex, however the cause was more likely a conscious auditory reaction and was not correlated to the frequency of the binaural beat. 

A further study published in Clinical Neurophysiology (2005) found that scientists were able to induce a desired frequency in the EEG matching the phantom beat frequency encoded in a binaural beat - however this was with a single subject and was neither blinded nor controlled. A study by Wahbeh, Calabrese & Zwickey, ‘Binaural beat technology in humans: a pilot study to assess psychologic and physiologic effects’ (2007) published in the Journal of Alternative Complementary Medicine found that use of binaural beats could decrease anxiety and produce positive psychological results, based on self-reports. The conclusion of the study was that further research was required to validate and expand upon these initial results. 

The truth is, that listening to any audio/music track can affect our brains in a number of ways – listening to specific types of music can help the listener to relax, become energised or feel a particular emotional response. There is no indication that binaural beats have any deeper more meaningful effect on listeners. 

Some sceptics of the science behind binaural beats suggest that the effects observed in those who claim using binaural beats has brought them success are just placebo effects – the binaural beat was able to create the right ‘frame of mind’ and those who believe in their power and effect are likely to be more suggestible and open to positive results. 

Given there have been recent publications on the successful induction of lucid dreaming using electrodes to change brainwave activity, it is unsurprising that manufacturers have capitalized on the growing fascination with, and popularity of, lucid dreaming. One such gadget is Thefoc.us ‘moovs’ kit, which is marketed specifically for dreaming. The kit consists of a pair of electrodes, a dozen pairs of disposable adhesive electrode gel pads and a tiny transcranial direct current stimulation (tDCS) device which resembles an iPod nano. The user places some gel pads on the electrodes, places them on each temple, plugs it into the device and loads up one of the programs. The foc.us device then delivers a relatively low electrical current of 1.5 milliamps via the electrodes. The lucid dreaming programme is designed to stimulate the brain after a 10 minute countdown, giving the user time to fall asleep.

Originally, foc.us was designed for use by gamers, to stimulate their brain before playing, as a means to improve focus, according to Michael Oxley, the CEO and founder of foc.us. However, after the device was released online last year, users starting utilising it for different results – for example, dream-hacking. Oxley states: ‘There were some strong papers about increasing working memory and increasing focus, which is ideal for gaming…But a lot of our customers weren’t using it for that. They were using it for other benefits and one of the most popular ones we saw was for lucid dreaming’. This was particularly so after a journal article was published in 2014 which found evidence to support the idea that lucid dreams could be induced by stimulating gamma brainwaves in a sleeping person. This inspired many customers to try to use foc.us in the same way, so the manufacturing team wrote a new programme, specifically designed for the induction of lucid dreaming.

Oxley explains: ‘A positive charge will excite a part of the brain and a negative current will sort of turn off that part of the brain…The higher function areas at the front of the brain are active during lucid dreams, so the idea is that if we excite that while people are dreaming, they’ll have a greater chance of having a lucid dream’. Oxley apparently uses the device nearly every night, and while it doesn’t always work, it has produced some exciting results when it has been successful. 

However, when one of the Vice writers road-tested the foc.us device for a review, she found that the results were not quite as promising as Oxley’s endorsement – the electrodes began to sting the skin after a matter of minutes, forcing her to have to prematurely end the experiment. Her colleagues had no more joy; one removed the electrodes during sleep, while another stated that using the device made him ‘feel weird’ and had a ‘shutter-effect’ on his LED bedside lamp. After the first session, he reported no dreams, despite being a naturally vivid dreamer. A third colleague confessed that the foc.us gave him a weird pain in his head, as if his ‘brain was being squished’. He reported that he might have experienced a lucid dream, but felt that his brain just wanted him to believe that he had, and he was unable to actually recall whether he did or not – it seems likely that he did not experience a lucid dream, given he has no memory of doing so.

Oxley claims that the $300 foc.us device is undergoing technological improvement – there is hope that it can be developed to make it wireless and able to detect when the user falls asleep. Oxley says that sales figures indicate a huge initial popularity for the product: ‘We were amazed. We sold out our first 2 batches way quicker than we thought we would and now there are 2 or 3 big, VC-funded companies out in Silicon Valley doing the same thing. While it’s currently a small market, it won’t be long before Apple starts selling a brain stimulator’.

The neuroscientific evidence for brainwave synchronization & lucid dreaming
One exciting piece of research has demonstrated that changing the activity of brainwaves using electrodes in a laboratory study was able to produce lucid dreams in participants. The study, U Voss & A Hobson et al, ‘Induction of self-awareness in dreams through frontal low current stimulation of gamma activity’ (2014), published in the Nature Neuroscience journal, tested recent findings that linked fronto-temporal gamma electroencephalographic (EEG) activity to conscious awareness in dreams, The study demonstrates that current stimulation in the lower gamma band during REM sleep influences ongoing brain activity and induces self-reflective awareness (i.e. lucidity) in dreams. Other stimulation frequencies were not effective, suggesting that higher order consciousness is indeed related to synchronous oscillations around 25 - 40 Hz.

Alan Hobson, psychiatrist and sleep researcher at Harvard University, said of the results: ‘I never thought this would work…But it looks like it does’. His colleague, Ursula Voss, of J.W. Goethe-University Frankfurt - who designed the experiments – stated: ‘[The participants] were really excited…The dream reports were short, but long enough for them to report, 'Wow, all of the sudden I knew this was a dream, while I was dreaming’…If I'm aware, if I'm self-reflective, if I'm thinking about myself, about my past and future, that's normally a waking function…In lucid dreaming, we transfer elements of waking consciousness into the dream’.

The overlap between lucid dreaming and brainwave activity related to the waking state was reflected in the brainwaves the researchers detected using EEG. While normal non-lucid dreaming has its own specific brainwave patterns, when dreamers have lucid dreams, they show gamma waves - an activity pattern that is linked to consciousness, but is nearly absent during sleep and normal non-lucid dreaming. The gamma activity in the brainwaves of lucid dreamers is especially seen in the brain's frontal cortex. In the study, the researchers placed electrodes on the scalps of 27 participants - who were not ‘natural’ lucid dreamers - to stimulate the frontal cortex, and recreate the gamma wave activity that has been seen in lucid dreamers.

Over 4 nights, they applied the 30-second bolts of electrical currents to the participants' scalps, 2 minutes after the participants had entered the dreaming stage of sleep (i.e. REM sleep), as shown by their brainwave activity patterns. The frequency of stimulation varied from 2 Hz -100 Hz, and sometimes the researchers didn't actually deliver any electrical currents. The participants were then immediately woken up to report their dreams to an interviewer who wasn't aware of which stimulation they had received via the electrodes. 

The EEG data showed that the brain's gamma activity increased during stimulation with 40 Hz, and to a lesser degree during stimulation with 25 Hz - stimulation with other frequencies didn't lead to any changes in the brainwaves, and it didn't increase the likelihood of people having lucid dreams. The researchers also found that after stimulation, if people did experience a lucid dream, the gamma activity increased even more. Voss stated: ‘We were surprised that it's possible to force the brain to take on a frequency from the outside, and for the brain to actually vibrate in that frequency and actually show an effect’.

Lucid dreams represent a unique opportunity for scientists to observe the brain change from one state of consciousness to another, and the new results produced by this innovative and significant study suggest it may have become easier to detect and analyse such changes using brain scan technology. Hobbs explained: ‘Instead of waiting for things to happen, you can actually now do experiments, deliver stimulus and see what happens. It gives you much more classical stimulus-response handle on consciousness itself. It's amazing…It lets us see that consciousness is clearly a brain function. We knew that anyway, but the mechanisms are not clear, and this puts a new spin on it’.

Beyond advancing the scientific understanding of what happens during lucid dreams, the new findings may add insight to the broader research on the nature of human consciousness. Scientists have previously proposed that gamma waves are related to widespread synchronization of brainwave activity and an important aspect of consciousness. The new findings add to the evidence that gamma activity is related to consciousness, and make it more likely that such activity is actually causing consciousness.

However, while this is exciting news for lucid dreamers, it doesn’t necessarily mean that the same results can be produced at home, using binaural beats to synchronise brainwaves. This does not mean that it is not worth experimenting with, but my advice is to use binaural beats that you can access free of charge online, for example, on Youtube, and to maintain reasonable expectations about likelihood of success. 

For the best possible chances of success in inducing lucid dreams – either with or without use of binaural beats – you should be practicing cognitive techniques which programme your mind to become conscious in the dream state. Using binaural beats alongside the cognitive induction methods for lucid dreaming, is a ‘belt and braces’ approach, and guarantees your best possibility of attaining self-awareness (i.e. consciousness/lucidity) in the dream state. Using binaural beats in conjunction with the cognitive methods for inducing lucid dreams may assist you in focusing your mind on achieving your goals and create the right mind-frame or atmosphere for lucid dreaming. 

Advantages of brainwave entrainment & altered states of consciousness for lucid dreamers
Supposedly, when the brain is entrained to lower frequencies and awareness is maintained, a unique state of consciousness emerges. This state is often referred to as hypnagogia ‘mind awake/body asleep’ – this being the state which practitioners of the WILD (Wake-Initiated/Induced Lucid Dream) technique try to induce; and the state those who experience false awakenings with sleep paralysis over emerge into, when in a ‘wake-sleep limbo’. 

Slightly higher-frequency entrainment are thought to lead to hyper-suggestive states of consciousness which allow self-hypnosis – perfect for those who wish to implant the seed for lucid dreaming into their mind using cognitive techniques for lucid dreaming, such as the MILD (Nmemonic/Memory Induced Lucid Dream) or Tholey’s Combined Technique, both of which involve re-programming the mind to become a fertile ground for lucidity to happen. In particular, auto-suggestion, which is the use of a positive affirmation or mantra which you repeat – almost unconsciously – while in a deeply relaxed, meditative state, either during the day or just prior to sleep (i.e. ‘I will be aware I am dreaming’) could be performed extremely successfully while in this state of hyper-suggestiveness. 

Still higher-frequency EEG states are associated with alert and focused mental activity needed for the optimal performance of many tasks and cognitive exercises – these states would be ideal for using the intention aspect of cognitive lucid dream induction – mentally focusing your awareness and intention on positively achieving an outcome. 

Additionally, it might be useful to use these states of consciousness for consciousness-centred lucid dreaming induction methods which require you to have an intense focus on a goal or process. For example, when reality checking, it is important to combine the physical act of the reality check with the ‘consciousness’ aspect: questioning your conscious state (awake or dreaming?) and how you know you are in waking reality (outcome of the reality check; physical sensations; environmental clues; mental processes; behaviour of others/objects etc) and actively draw a conclusion supported by your evidence. 

This not only works on the cognitive level of ‘implanting’ a behaviour (the physical reality check coupled with the questioning of reality/dreaming), by establishing a habit you perform regularly enough during your waking day to then appear in your dreams (even by way of ‘day residue), but also the ‘learning’ level; you are enhancing your mental cognition skills. In using a state of heightened mental focus to then analyse your own state of consciousness by paying direct attention to small details of your environment, changes in your physical self and suchlike, you are encouraging yourself to become more ‘consciously aware’ of your own reality and perception of it. Becoming lucid in a dream requires you to adopt brain functions and cognitive skills associated with your waking brain: analysis, rationality, logic, comparison, memory recall etc. All of these functions are ‘switched off’ when we dream, which is why we accept the bizarre and impossible or contradictory content of our dreams as real enough that we do not question their reality while we are dreaming them. 

Using cognitive techniques for DILDS (Dream-Initiated/Induced Lucid Dreams) require us to hack our brains to the extent that we make these mental functions associated with our waking brain ‘switch on’ in the dream state, so that we are able to become consciously aware that we are dreaming. This is why recognising dreamsigns (the bizarre, impossible, contradictory, dream-like aspects of a dream which indicate to the conscious mind that they can only exist in the dream state) and performing reality checks with conscious awareness enabling the correct conclusion to be drawn, are powerful methods for lucid dreaming, which are learnt and practiced in the waking day, using techniques of focus and concentration. 

Instructions for inducing lucid dreams using binaural beats
Always listen to binaural beats using headphones!
  • Whenever you are performing auto-suggestion (during waking day or just prior to sleep) – try ALPHA (for duration of auto-suggestion exercise) – suggestion: 10 minutes per session
  • Whenever you are performing intention – try ALPHA (during waking day or just prior to sleep) or BETA (only during waking day) – suggestion: 10 minutes per session
The following instructions require you to make a binaural beats playlist as you will be using binaural beats during sleep and therefore will need the beat frequencies to change at relevant times. These instructions (with and without Wake-Back-to-Bed method) are based on the ‘average’ 8-hour sleep cycle. I have included an image for your information. If you do not have an 8-hour sleep cycle, you will need to adjust the times based on your own pattern of sleep, which may require some trial and error and experimentation.


Basically, we have REM (dream sleep) interspersed throughout the sleep cycle, as shown. The best time for lucid dreaming is the last period of REM sleep, just before waking (marked in yellow). This occurs around 5 – 6 hours into the 8-hour sleep cycle, after we have had all of our deep (DELTA wave) sleep (marked in purple). This is the period of REM sleep we will be targeting for lucid dreaming in the following 2 methods:

Sleep Cycle – No Wake-Back-to-Bed
  1. Affirmations & auto-suggestion prior to sleep (10 minutes): ALPHA (marked on chart in pink)
  2. Deep sleep (6 hours) – DELTA (period marked on chart in purple)
  3. Lucid Induction during last period of REM sleep (2 hours): THETA (1 hour) & GAMMA (1 hour) (period marked on chart in yellow)
  4. Wake up
Sleep Cycle – With Wake-Back-to-Bed
  1. Affirmations & auto-suggestion prior to sleep (10 minutes): ALPHA
  2. Deep sleep (6 hours) – DELTA (period marked on chart in purple)
  3. WAKE UP (marked on chart with pink star) – perform affirmations/auto-suggestion using ALPHA (10 – 15 minutes) (period marked on chart in pink)
  4. Return to sleep - Lucid Induction during last period of REM sleep (2 hours): THETA (1 hour) & GAMMA (1 hour) (period marked on chart in yellow)
  5. Wake up
Lucid Dream Induction during Afternoon Nap:
  1. Affirmations & auto-suggestion prior to sleep (10 minutes): ALPHA
  2. Use THETA - GAMMA for duration of nap (recommended nap time: 1.5 – 2 hours)

Saturday, 19 March 2016

Dreaming & False Memory Syndrome

“Most people, probably, are in doubt about certain matters ascribed to their past. They may have seen them, may have said them, done them, or they may only have dreamed or imagined they did so.”
– William James

False Memory Syndrome
False Memory Syndrome, is the phenomenon by which an individual's identity, emotions and relationships are affected by a fabricated or false memory which they believe to be true. There have been numerous, interesting studies into the phenomenon of false memory and mistaken beliefs in both dream studies and in other contexts, such as eyewitness testimony. First, we shall consider some of the psychological studies into the phenomenon of false memory, and then consider how this theme relates to dreams and dreaming.

Please note that nothing in this article is intended to discredit or ignore victim narratives, disclosure and testimony about early childhood sexual abuse. This article looks at the ways in which therapy and dream interpretation may create false memories in some individuals and my criticism is restricted solely to those in a position to abuse their professional role, damaging their patients or clients. I have experienced one case, in my on personal life as a law student, in which the possibility of false or distorted memories, encouraged and drawn out by a counsellor resulted in criminal proceedings - although the defence did not rely on false memories (there was no need as the defendant was able to raise an iron-clad defence with evidence), this highlighted to me the dangers of therapists suggesting that someone has been abused where there was no other corroborative evidence. In this case, the complainant was a young adult. She accused her grandfather of childhood abuse. Until she went into therapy, she had never suspected childhood abuse or had cause to think about it. She went into therapy for depression and anxiety. She was recommended to the therapist by a friend, who told her that she was seeing the therapist herself because she had been a victim of abuse. The complainant asked her new therapist 'what if I was also abused?' and the therapist was able to - using a variety of techniques - uncover repressed memories, including one incident which allegedly happened when the complainant was in her mid-teens, and was 'recalled' vividly (while childhood amnesia may explain why early experiences are repressed and not accessible by normal memory i.e. events taking place before the age of 3 years - there is no suggestion that the complainant could have repressed the event that took place when she was in her teenage years, as she was able to recall everything about her life at that time and even gave evidence as to what the weather was like on that day and where her family were when she was in the house with the defendant). The therapist gave evidence of her techniques which expose flaw in the way she had treated the complainant - in fact, she made the complainant's mental health and emotional trauma worse as a result of drawing out 'memories' of abuse she had not 'remembered' and the consequential breakdown of her family. The jury were persuaded that the defendant had not abused her and in fact, if her 'memories' were the basis of the evidence against him, they were inaccurate and imagined - not through any fault of her own, but as a result of an 'expert' encouraging her to imagine herself as a victim, until she was confused as to what was real and what was not. 

As we all know, the brain is far too complex for humans to fully understand and explain. Neuroscience and psychology are continually finding new evidence which increases our awareness of mental phenomenon. However, it is correct to say that memory is one area of mental process in which errors or distortions regularly occur. One of the many theories of memory function and error is the fuzzy trace theory, which was developed by Charles Brainerd & Valerie Reyna. Under this theory, people create two kinds of memory traces: verbatim traces (which record surface sensory information such as smell, colour, and sound); and gist traces (which are identified with more abstract details of an event, such as interpretations, elaborations, or meanings). Verbatim traces are more robust over time, while gist traces are susceptible to interference and fragmentation – as well as re-interpretation. According to the proponents of such theories, false memories are created when people’s memories rely exclusively in gist traces, or when verbatim memories are confused with memories from another source. An error of 'omission' relates to forgetting; while an error of 'commission' relates to the creation of a false memory. Some false memories may be spontaneous and natural, while others may have been implanted. While children are more susceptible and suggestible, research has found that younger children are less likely to create false memories than older children or adults. False memories are no less stable than true ones either - false memories may actually be more persistent than true ones. This is because they are formed from gist traces, rather than verbatim ones, and therefore are less vulnerable to interference or forgetting.

Another theory, the source monitoring framework, argues that false memories are created when people mistakenly believe imaginary events are autobiographic events. According to this theory, people don’t have the memory outright, instead we look for a variety of sensory cues. A source monitoring error may occur when a specifically recollected event is wrongly believed to be the source of a memory. 

In 1990 George Franklin became the first ever US citizen convicted of murder by a witness who recovered repressed memories more than 20 years after the event. The witness was his daughter, Eileen. Franklin was released in when irregularities were discovered in Eileen’s evidence: it emerged she had been hypnotised before testifying. In many jurisdictions, it would be impossible for a hypnotized witness to give testimony due to the fact that hypnotised persons are highly susceptible and therefore not credible witnesses. Even without the use of hypnosis, memories can be very vulnerable to external influence, and there is considerable empirical evidence that false memories of events which did not happen can be implanted into a person’s mind.

False memories are hard to research for one simple reason: it’s difficult to verify whether the memories in question are false or not (Loftus, 1993). Often a considerable amount of time has passed since the original event and it’s not possible to corroborate what people say or find evidence to support or reject the validity of the memory.

Jean Piaget, the esteemed child psychologist, claimed that his earliest memory was of nearly being kidnapped at the age of 2 years. He remembered seemingly vivid details such as sitting in his baby carriage, watching the nurse defend herself against the kidnapper, scratches on the nurse's face, and a police officer with a short cloak and a white baton chasing the kidnapper away. This dramatic account was reinforced by the nurse, the family and others, who had heard the story. Piaget was convinced that he remembered the event, despite the fact it never actually happened. Thirteen years after the alleged kidnapping attempt, Piaget's former nurse wrote to his parents to confess that she had made up the entire story. Piaget later wrote: ‘I therefore must have heard, as a child, the account of this story...and projected it into the past in the form of a visual memory, which was a memory of a memory, but false’.


In a seminal study, Loftus & Pickrell (1995) recruited 24 participants who were to be presented with 4 stories from when they were between 4 - 6 years old, (3 of which were true, and 1 false). The true stories were sourced from the participants’ families, and involved events which were not traumatic or emotionally difficult to recall. The families were then asked to provide the circumstances for the ‘false’ event – a plausible event which could have possibly happened, but actually had not. The participants were informed that they were involved in a study about their ability to recall details of childhood memories and were each given a written description of the 4 events provided by their family. They were asked to provide information about which events they remembered. Afterwards, the participants were interviewed and were reminded of the 4 memory events they had been asked about. They were asked to recall as much information about them as possible. A week later, a second interview took place and a similar procedure was followed. The participants then rated the clarity of their memories. 

It was then revealed to them that one of the memories was false and they were asked to guess which one it was. Of the 24 participants, 5 falsely recalled the fabricated event as a real memory, although participants understandably found the implanted memory much less clear than the memory of actual events which had indeed taken place. Considering the very low level of suggestion or coercion involved in the interviews, the experiment reveals that it is possible to implant false memories. 

A later study with more participants which examined a wider range of memories was carried out by Hyman & Pentland (1996). This study revealed that, depending on experimental variables, at least some kind of false memory could be implanted in between 20% and 40% of participants. 

In ‘A picture is worth a thousand lies’, Wade et al used a doctored photograph of a fictitious balloon flight to implant false memories (Wade, Garry, Read & Lindsay, 2002). Using similar interview procedures to Loftus & Pickrell (1995), they found that 50% of participants created either complete or partial false memories of the flight. 

One major problem with these sorts of studies is that they only implant inconsequential memories. Traumatic memories, such as those claimed by Franklin’s daughter, might be a completely different matter. However, it would be unethical to conduct an empirical study in which traumatic false memories are implanted into a participant, which means it is extremely difficult to obtain data on this area. Despite this, the Paul Ingram experiment is one of the most bizarre and dramatic false memory studies ever documented and provides some insight into the phenomenon. 

In 1988 Paul Ingram (a police officer) was arrested for sexually abusing his 2 daughters, an allegation he strongly denied. Over an extended period of 5 months, however, he was subjected to pressure by fellow police officers, psychologists and other advisors, suggesting he had committed child abuse, including having raped his own daughters. Eventually Ingram began to confess to all manner of rapes, child sexual abuses and even to participation in a Satan-worshipping cult which had allegedly murdered 25 babies. 

The prosecution at Ingram’s trial brought in renowned memory researcher, Dr Richard Ofshe, who became suspicious of Ingram’s credibility. To test Ingram, Ofshe fabricated a story in which Ingram’s son and daughter claimed he had forced them to have sex with each other while he watched, this having been confirmed as false by the son and daughter in advance. 

Over a period of hours, Ingram, who had initially denied the memory, began to generate false memories of the event taking place and was eventually able to write a 3-page confession to the crime which had not taken place. This raised serious questions as what else Ingram may have falsely confessed to under such intense pressure and suggestion. Unfortunately the evidence from Ofshe was not made available until after Ingram’s conviction and the defendant was unable to withdraw his guilty plea. He remained in prison until 2003 and remains a registered sex offender, despite significant doubts as to his actual guilt. 

Both the case of Paul Ingram and the experimental laboratory studies on false memories represent two extremes of a continuum. At one end, when politely and subtly asked (within the context of a psychology study), some people can be induced into believing relatively benign false memories - perhaps as many as 50%. At the other end of the spectrum, when placed under incredible psychological pressure, such as in the case of Ingram, dangerous or traumatic false memories can be implanted, which may have long-term and highly adverse consequences for either the subject or others, such as parents/carers accused of abuse, recovered through therapy.


Eyewitness Testimony
Studies into the implanting or false memories or the misattribution/distortion of memory have impact on how we treat the issue of eyewitness testimony and it's reliability. Another dramatic case study which highlights the potential dangers of false memories/beliefs.

In 1975, Australian psychologist Donald M Thomson appeared on a TV show about the psychology of eyewitness testimony. The day after the television broadcast Thomson arrested by local police following an allegation that he had entered the apartment of a female, and raped her, leaving her unconscious. The victim named Thomson as her attacker. This was despite the fact he had a water-tight alibi – at the time of the rape he was being recorded for the TV show and in the presence of the assistant police commissioner who was able to corroborate his offence. It appeared that the victim had been watching Thomson on TV immediately prior to her attack and then confused his face with that of the actual rapist – encoding Thomson’s face instead. How ironic that a psychologist, discussing eyewitness testimony in criminal cases, was falsely accused as a result of a grossly distorted memory of an event occurring at the same time he was explaining the phenomenon on a TV show. 

Thomson was completely exonerated of the crime for which he was accused, but many others have not been so lucky. Wells and his colleagues have identified 40 separate incidents of miscarriages of justice in the USA, which have relied on eyewitness testimony (Wells et al, 1998). Many of these falsely convicted people served many years in prison, some even facing death sentences. 

Misattribution
Thomson’s ordeal, though, is a perfect example of Harvard psychologist Daniel Schacter’s fourth sin of memory, 'misattribution' (Schacter, 1999). Unlike the first 3 sins, which all involve being unable to access memories, this is the first sin that involves the creation of false memories. When a memory is ‘misattributed’ some original true aspect of a memory becomes distorted through time, space or circumstances. 

While misattributions can have disastrous consequences, most are not so dramatic in everyday circumstances. Like the other sins of memory, misattributions are probably a daily occurrence for most people. Some examples that have been studied in the lab are: 
  • Misattributing the source of memories. People regularly say they read something in the newspaper, when actually a friend told them or they saw it in an advert. In one study participants with ‘normal’ memories regularly made the mistake of thinking they had acquired a trivial fact from a newspaper, when actually the experimenters had supplied it (Schacter, Harbluk, & McLachlan, 1984) 
  • Misattributing a face to the wrong context. This is exactly what happened to Thomson. Studies have shown that memories can become blended together, so that faces and circumstances are merged 
  • Misattributing an imagined event to reality. An experiment by Goff & Roediger (1998) demonstrates how easily our memory can transform fantasy into reality. Participants were asked either to imagine performing an action or actually asked to perform it i.e. breaking a toothpick. Sometime later they went through the same process again. Subsequently, they were asked whether they had performed that action or just imagined it. Those who imagined the actions more frequently the second time were more likely to think they’d actually performed the actions the first time 

Schacter (1999) also identifies another very common type of misattribution: when we attribute an idea or memory to ourselves that really belongs to someone else. The individual falsely recall generating the idea (of another) and experience the memory of the material erroneously, interpreting it as 'new inspiration' or an original idea of their own. Unintentional plagiarism (Cryptomnesia) has been examined in a number of studies. In one straightforward early study people were asked to generate examples of particular categories of items, like species of birds. It was found that people, without realising, plagiarised each other about 4% of the time (Brown & Murphy, 1989). 

Subsequent studies using more naturalistic procedures have found much higher rates using different types of tasks – sometimes as much as 27%. That’s a very high rate and probably helps to explain why we see so much unintentional repetition across many different areas of human culture. For example, former Beatle George Harrison was sued for breach of copyright on the grounds that he (unintentionally) plagiarised a Chiffons’ hit ‘He’s So Fine’ in his own song 'My Sweet Lord' (1970), a claim which started in 1971 and was not settled until the 1990s.

Additionally, the brains of infants and very young children are capable of storing fragmented memories. These fragmented memories may be disturbing for adults who cannot piece together the entire memory of the actual event. Schacter notes the case of a rape victim who could not remember the rape, which took place on a brick pathway. The words ‘brick’ and ‘path’ kept popping into her mind, but she did not connect them to the rape. She became very upset when taken back to the scene of the rape, though she didn't remember what had happened there (Schacter 1996). Whether a fragmented memory of infant abuse can cause significant psychological damage in the adult has not been scientifically established, though it seems to be widely believed by many psychotherapists who focus on this phenomenon.

Although memories often have some basis in reality, whether we’ve mixed up some details or even the memory’s source, sometimes they are just completely false. During the 1960s and 1970s psychologists discovered a way of reproducing this false memory effect in the lab. 

In the classic study conducted by James Deese at Johns Hopkins University, participants are given lists of semantically related words, for example a list of colours (Deese, 1959). Later they have to try and recall them, at which point they often recall related words that were not actually presented. 

Later studies have replicated this finding using more complicated procedures that help to counteract some of the problems with this early study. Nevertheless there is still the question of whether these laboratory-based tasks really do tell us anything about how we behave in the real world. Are we really this prone to completely false memories in real life? New evidence suggests we may well be. Brown & Marsh (2008) found that some people could be induced to think they had visited an unfamiliar place simply by being shown photos of that location. 

These types of studies on the misattributions of memories can be existentially disturbing, because each of us is effectively the accumulation of our experiences and memories. The nature of our identity is inextricably linked to what events we have experienced and what we remember about our life. 

Discovering the scientific evidence for how easily memories become confused, distorted or falsified is like discovering that part of ourselves is fabricated. Memories are derived not only from our real-lives, but also our fantasies, dreams and imaginations. 

Schacter suggests that misattributions may actually be useful to us (Schacter, 1999). The ability to extract, abstract and generalise our experience enables us to apply lessons we’ve learnt in one domain to another. Often, we simply don’t need to know the exact details of an experience: just the outcome or general gist of what took place. Additionally, when we actually do need to know the details, we can take steps to encode the memory securely so we are less likely to make misattributions.

Dream Interpretation & False Memories
Dream interpretation is a useful tool for understanding the self and the subconscious, and is often employed by therapists in a clinical setting. However, there is some research (Mazzoni et al, 1999) to suggest that dream interpretation could lead to false beliefs about the subject's past which could be detrimental to them. 

Freudian dream interpretation dominated psychology until the 1950s, when it's importance as an analytical method began to waver with the increase of cognitive and behavioural psychology, which largely overlook dream work as an effective form of therapy. Despite a decline in the use of dream interpretation in psychology, there are still a number of professionals who emphasise its role and significance, particularly when dealing with subjects who have suffered previous trauma or abuse.

Dreaming represents a direct link to the subconscious mind, a process in which repressed memories may present themselves in symbolic fragments - Freud described them as the 'royal road to the unconscious' and used dream interpretation as a means of uncovering traumatic experiences which have been repressed. 

Until the 1950s psychoanalysis and dream interpretation was used prominently in therapy, but since the emergence of other disciplines, such as behaviourism, humanism and cognitive psychology, there is less emphasis on dream interpretation in the clinical setting. However, some therapists still use dreams as a tool for clinical treatment and view dreams as an 'exact replica' of the traumatic event (van der Kolk et al (1984)). Frederickson (1992) has stated that dreams are often the first sign of emerging memories - specifically within the context of sexual abuse. 

One of the issues with this conceptualisation of dreaming is the potential for false beliefs and false memories to be accepted as real. This is particularly true if the dreamer received subtle suggestion from the therapist - a study by Mazzoni et al (1996) showed this effect. It was shown that after a single subtle suggestion, participants falsely recognized items from their dreams and thought that these items had been presented in a list that they learned during the waking state. The participants first learned a key list of words and in a later session, they received a false suggestion that some items from their previously reported dreams had been presented on the key list. Finally, in a third session, they tried to recall the items that had occurred on the initial key list. 

A major finding was that participants often falsely recognized their dream items and thought they had been presented on the key list, sometimes as often as they accurately recognized true list items. Despite the high rate of false recognition, and the conviction that participants had about these false memories, it is reasonable to question whether the same kind of results would occur with more personally meaningful events, for example - the sexual abuse referred to above.

In the Florence False Interpretation Study, Mazzoni developed a new methodology for testing whether dream interpretation can lead to participants developing false beliefs about the past. In the study of 128 undergraduate students, the participants were asked if they had experienced a number of critical life events before the age of 3 years old - such as being lost in a public place or feeling abandoned by their parents. The study focused on students who reported that such critical life events had (most likely) not taken place. 

The participants were then divided into 'dream' groups (the experimental group, which would receive manipulated dream interpretations) and a control group. The participants in the 'dream' group then underwent a therapy session with a clinical psychologist and received dream interpretation. In each dream interpretation, regardless of the actual dream content, the participants were told that the dream indicated they had experienced the critical life events they had denied happening. The key feature of the manipulation of the dream interpretation was the suggestion that the dream was the overt manifestation of repressed memories relating to events which took place before the age of 3 years. The clinical psychologist did the following:
  • He commented on specific items in the dream and tried to relate those items to possible feelings that the participant might have - i.e. a cold day was symbolic of cold emotions etc 
  • He tried to induce the participant to agree with and expand on his interpretation 
  • He provided a global interpretation of the dream's meaning. In the example, the clinician suggested that possibly the participant was not totally happy with himself, needed challenge, resisted help, and so forth 
  • He suggested the possibility that specific events of childhood are commonly associated with dream reports like the one provided by the particular participant he was interviewing 
  • He explicitly suggested that such events had happened to the participant, and he asked for the participant's agreement with that suggestion 
  • When the participant did not recall such an event, the psychologist explained that unpleasant childhood experiences can be buried (repressed), and remain unremembered, but are often revealed in dreams 

A period of 10 - 15 days lapsed between the therapy session and a final session, where the participants were again asked if they had ever experienced one of the critical life events mentioned by the psychologist.

Analysis of the results showed that participants in the 'dream' group were caused to become more certain they had experienced the critical life event which they had previously claimed they felt was unlikely. The critical life events the participants reported having experienced in the first 3 years of their lives were the specific ones referred to by the psychologist. This raised questions as to whether the participant's belief they had experienced a negative event was restricted specifically to the critical life event suggested to them, or created a general notion that they had experienced other negative events in infancy. 

Both the 'dream' and 'control' groups were tested on a number of 'negative filler items', such as 'witnessing someone dying' or 'threatened by a stranger'. The researchers found that there was no significant link between the manipulated dream interpretation and a participant reporting having experienced one of the negative filler items - the manipulated dream interpretation only had influence on the critical life events specifically suggested by the psychologist. 

One explanation put forward by Mazzoni is that the manipulated dream interpretation created a 'true belief' in the participant, reminding them of a true experience which did occur in their early life, which had been forgotten, The memory was unlikely to have been triggered during the therapy session itself, because no participants reported such, but was probably recalled in the period between the therapy session and the final session. The age of 3 years was chosen, as many adults are unable to remember childhood events before this age (due to childhood amnesia). It was concluded that the where the report of the critical life event happening was given, the participant may have remembered the event which happened after the age of 3 years, but mistakenly 'remembered' it as taking place at an earlier age. This is a distorted belief or memory. The other conclusion which can be drawn from the data is that the manipulated dream interpretation created a false belief in the participant, who was susceptible to suggestion. 

This study has important implications for therapists who undertake dreamwork. It show that people are susceptible to suggestion which takes place in a therapeutic environment. There is evidence to suggest that some therapists do make suggestions to patients/clients based on dream reports (Cartwright & Lamberg, Crisis Dreaming (1992), p. 185). The fact that it may be possible to subtly manipulate a person into falsely believing that they have experienced an event which did not in fact take place, so that the person has a 'false memory' of the event taking place is very dangerous - and highlights the power that a therapist holds. It is especially problematic where a therapist encourages a patient/client to believe they may have experienced childhood abuse and repressed any memory. 

My Experiences of False or Distorted Memories & Dreaming
Dreams may create false memories due to familiarity. Dreams seem to be made up mainly of memory traces and fragments which are reconstituted into a new narrative form and may be given a new meaning within the context of the dream. 

Michael Willmann 'Jacob's Dream of a Ladder of Angels' c. 1690 (original pictured top, middle & bottom are my distortions of the image, an analogy to the distortions which occur in our memories)

In some of my dreams, my 'dream mind' tells me that I am re-living a 'real-life memory' such as in Dream 585- 'I've Seen this Before', where I was convinced within my dream that I was 'remembering' a real-life memory where I had performed the same action (avoiding watching a scene where an eyeball is sliced with a razorblade). In the dream, I had a clear visualisation of the real-life memory - in this 'real-life memory' DL and I were in his flat watching the same film as I had been watching in the dream, and - just like in the dream - when the eyeball scene came on, I (and DL) covered our own eyes to avoid seeing it happen. In the dream I 'remembered' that this was on a weekend evening (given I go round to DL's house on weekends and we watch TV together) and the dream me specifically thought: 'I have seen this before in real-life'. However, DL cannot recall ever watching this film with me on his TV, and therefore it seems my dream created a false memory of a real-life event. Additionally, in Dream 514 - 'Rap Battles Gone Wrong', I had seen a poster advertising a gig by an American hip hop artist. However, when in a real-life waking conversation with DL, I had to ask him if this was a dream memory or an actual real-life waking memory. DL was able to confirm that this was something which could only have happened in my dream as this hip hop artist was not currently doing a tour. DL also reminded me that I had not recently travelled outside of my home city, which only had 2 large live music venues, one being on my university campus, the other being a university-owned venue in the city. Therefore, if there had been a real gig taking place, the posters advertising it would have actually been on campus - and clearly there were none, a fact which was easily checked. I have had a number of dreams where my waking memory and dream memory becomes confused and I have to ask people if an event or conversation actually happened. Sometimes, I become aware by myself the dream created a false memory which I had accepted as being a real-life memory until evidence proved otherwise or I applied a logical analysis to the 'memory' which revealed it to be false. Another example is the brief scene in a dream where I cut the bottom of my hair and I believed this happened in real-life, until I realised it was impossible, as the dream scene had taken place in my Nan's home, and I had not visited her for some months, not cut my hair recently (because I then realised I did not actually own the hairdressing scissors which I had used in the dream). I only started to question the validity of the memory of cutting my hair, when I noticed I still had 'split ends', my hair was no shorter indicating any recent cutting; and I possessed no decent scissors to cut it with in real-life, despite having some in the earlier dream. 

Regular readers of this Blog will be aware of my recurrent 'Dream Town' which is basically a town which only seems to exist in my dreams, but which creates a strong sense of 'remembering it' (familiarity or previous experience)or déjà vu - the phenomenon in which the individual experiences of having 'seen it before'. It creates a strong sensation of having already experienced something, when in fact we are in a new situation. Some people see dream déjà vu as a form of precognition when they experience a real-life event which they have seen before in a dream. However, my dream town does not fall into this category, because the déjà vu feeling happened in a dream - and I was therefore trying to search my memory for a past real-life visit to such a place to explain why the town felt so familiar in my dream. 

I have even conducted some dream incubation experiments to try to return to the town to ask my subconscious questions about this matter. I do not believe I have ever really visited this location, or that it in fact exists in reality. In a number of dreams where I have been either non-lucid or even lucid, I have noted facts about the town and conducted some investigation. I have tried to locate the town on a London underground tube map, as the town feels like a location in the London suburbs. I had the name 'Sudsbury' in my mind in this dream. There are locations in the UK, such as 'Sudbury', but after Googling this location I am persuaded it is (a) a place I have never visited in my life; (b) nothing like the dream town in appearance, size etc. 

The dream town is quite urban in areas (there is a train bridge and tal commercial looking buildings which give this impression). There are a lot of mock-Tudor buildings and areas of green grass and trees. Near the area with the Tudor buildings is a doctor's surgery. I have visited this surgery in a dream. I know I have never visited a doctor's surgery in any location outside my places of residence, in real-life, and none of them resembled the locations in this dream. There is also a traditional pub and a hotel. The hotel is large, and looks out onto a patchwork of countryside fields. I have also been in another location where there were fields - and a hill. At the top of the hill was a large shop selling only freezer-foods, from huge chest freezers. I have walked by the canal. My interpretation of the dream town is that my dream has created a location which is a composite of lots of other locations I have experienced in my life. I may have repressed or simply forgotten the exact real-life experiences where I saw say, a canal like the one in my dream town; a freezer shop; Tudor-style architecture etc and then re-configured them, as one location in my dream, based on traces of memories from waking events. This is why the town has such a sense of familiarity - and I may be more likely to 'visit' this town, or interpret a random dream scene location as being part of the 'map' of this 'town' (given some of the locations attributed to the dream town are diverse and perhaps not likely to all be part of the same UK city/town) because I focus on my desire to do so, to better understand the experience. My subconscious is doing precisely what I want - revisiting a situation I keep questioning 'it' (through dreamwork) about - a form of Freudian 'wish fulfilment' perhaps? In this sense, I enjoy the false or distorted memories I have created in both my subconscious and conscious (because I am aware they are false memories) mind, because I am able to experience a different reality to my own, in the safe hyper-reality of my 'dreamverse' - it is the relatively banal living of a fantasy version of reality. 

These personal examples are fairly innocuous demonstrations of how dreams might create false or distorted memories, which are confused or misinterpreted as real-life events, but it also highlights how, under different circumstances, it can be highly dangerous to rely on dreams as a projection or reflection of reality or to trust all of our memories as fact, without evidence to suggest events did take place, particularly if the memories refer to the harmful actions of others. I have had dreams where family members have been projected as 'abusers' or perverse and evil in some way, with myself and my cousins regressed in age to childhood, and back in the family home. These dreams were vividly recalled and extremely easy to understand in terms of the narrative of the dream (they were not fragmented or abstract dreams). 

However, I know them to be imagined events and feelings, not ones based in my lived reality. I can either identify day residue which influenced me dreaming that particular dream with that narrative, those events and those dream characters from my real-life; and further, I have the opportunity to ascertain facts from my family (given the persons identified in the dreams are no longer residing in the family home, so there would be no divided loyalties or need to protect anyone from the truth). I have felt no need to do the latter; I trust my memory and lived experience and also fully understand the power of dreams - and the fact that we don't fully understand why we dream in the ways we do, and cannot trust our dreams to reflect real-life, even if they are clearly aroused and influenced by it. I have also experienced an abusive sexual incident in my own life, as a teenager and therefore have been able to trace any dream references to sexual abuse as a theme to this remembered actual experience than to interpret them as having to have happened in my early childhood, and then being repressed into my subconscious.

Another issue which may complicate the issue of dreams and memories further, is that some scientists view dreams as having a memory processing function. But in order for the dream to do it's work, we need not actually remember it's narrative or content. In fact, many theories of dreaming suggest our brains are not designed to remember all of our dreams, on a simple level, because it simply does not have the memory capacity, and dream memories are completely expendable, freeing up memory space for more important memories which aid our functioning as humans. Therefore, if we remember our dreams, and the dreams we have also contain other material from our memories - such as locations, people, objects, events, emotions etc, our waking brain might have some difficulty in sorting through which memories were created by the dream and which relate to an actual waking life experience which really happened. 

Considering I have personal experience of also having false waking memories being presented to me as real memories which supposedly relate to a real event, within a dream itself - so in effect my dream is telling me: 'this dream action is the same as something which really happened to you in the past', it is possible to see how we might become confused as to whether our memory is accurate or distorted. If DL had said to me - when I told him about Dream 585- 'I've Seen this Before': 'Yes, it's possible we watched that eyeball scene when you were at my house one time', I would definitely have interpreted my 'dream memory' as having related to a real-life event. This would be in the absence of any intention on the part of DL to implant a false memory, or suggest something to me - it would be an innocent remark, whether right or wrong, which would validate my own memory. The same could be said of Dream 514 - 'Rap Battles Gone Wrong' - if DL said: 'Yes, I hear that artist is doing a UK tour' (without adducing any corroborative evidence to support his statement was in any way true), I would have accepted my memory may have related to a real-life event i.e. seeing the poster advertising the gig. I am constantly astounded by how complex our dreams really are, and how malleable dream and real memories are when they become intertwined. 

I am aware that I am fortunate that I have (a) coped with the issues of sexual violence in my own life to the extent that I can also deal with this theme occurring in my dreams; and (b) coped with mental health problems without encountering a therapist who has used unorthodox means to treat me. Some of the case studies I have cited in this article involve persons who have really suffered as a result of therapists and experts relying on the strength of false, implanted or distorted memories, resulting in the breakdown of relationships and additional trauma and emotional distress being given to the patient/client. This should be borne in mind when you read the following section of this article in particular.

Sexual Abuse, Incest & Satanic Ritual
It is as unlikely that all recovered memories of childhood sexual abuse are false, as much as the notion that they are all true – caution must be taken before a conclusion is drawn either way and all disclosures should be investigated fully and fairly, regardless of how they came to be made, or what triggered the person claiming abuse to make a disclosure. What is understood scientifically about memory makes it especially problematic to sort out true from distorted or false recollections.

However, some consideration should be given to the fact that certain brain processes are necessary for any memories to occur, and thus, memories of extremely early infant abuse (so, for example, before the age of 3 years, a period which is usually forgotten due to natural 'childhood amnesia'); or of abuse that took place while one was unconscious are unlikely to be accurate. 

Memories that have been directed by dreams or hypnosis are notoriously unreliable, because dreams are not ordinarily direct playbacks of experience, but involve distortions or confabulations. Furthermore, the data of dreams is generally ambiguous. Hypnosis and other techniques that work upon a person’s suggestibility must be used with great caution lest one create memories by suggestion rather than unlocking and retrieving them by careful questioning. 

Furthermore, memories are often mixed; some parts are accurate and some are not. Separating the two can be especially troublesome, especially when such memories (such as that of childhood abuse) will have grave consequences – such as the breakdown of a family or criminal proceedings being taken against someone identified as a perpetrator in a dream. 

While it would be highly unconscionable and immoral to ignore accusations of abuse, or discredit them as 'false' because they surfaced in a dream, it is also unethical to act upon such memories as if they are accurate without any supporting evidence or attempt by a therapist to separate the real from the imagined or delusional. Children are especially vulnerable to suggestion and the influence of adults, and even adult memories may be pliable and subject to the suggestible nature of therapeutic intervention, or for example, media coverage of an event.

I watched a documentary entitled Child of Rage: A Story of Abuse (1990) which featured a child, 'Beth' who was adopted as an infant, along with her baby brother. It later emerged that Beth had suffered from sexual abuse at the hands of her biological father, resulting in developing reactive attachment disorder. This manifested (in Beth's case) in inappropriate sexual behaviour (daily public masturbation and molestation of her younger brother); extreme violence towards her family and pets (she killed a number of baby birds and harmed dogs and cats); and a lack of any kind of moral conscience. While the fact of the abuse taking place is not in any way disputed, it was interesting to note that during a therapy session, Beth was able to vividly recount a nightmare which contained flashbacks to the abuse which happened to her when she was 1 year old. It is interesting to note, that Beth's adoptive mother, Nancy, was an advocate of the highly controversial 'attachment therapy', which is used to treat traumatised individuals abused in childhood. It is not regarded as a mainstream psychological technique, and has been labelled as dangerous pseudoscience, by some critics - particularly as it endorses coercion, aversion and restraint (some of these methods are used as a form of punishment). Children are made to regress back to early infancy, in order to be 'rebirthed'. In one notable case, the asphyxiation (during the 'rebirthing' process) of an abuse victim, Candace Newmaker led to her death and criminal proceedings being brought against the therapist Connell Watkins.

Loftus in Remembering Dangerously (1995) states that in an age where we are more knowledgeable about the extent and seriousness of child abuse, some accused individuals are being imprisoned on the 'evidence' provided by memories that come back in dreams and flashbacks - memories that did not exist until a person was admitted into therapy and was asked point-blank: 'were you ever sexually abused as a child?' If the individual believes they might have been abused, the process of excavating the 'repressed' memories through invasive therapeutic techniques, such as age regression, guided visualization, trance writing, dream work, body work, and hypnosis begins, and this can have devastating consequences, not simply because it may lead to a miscarriage of justice and the wrongful accusation of another person, but because it is likely to also encourage the individual to 're-live' the (imagined or suggested) trauma and suffer the adverse effects of believing they have been subjected to childhood sexual abuse. 

Loftus (1995) recounts a case study about false memories of Satanic ritual to illustrate the point. The case was described by expert witnesses (Rogers 1992) and is briefly reviewed by Loftus & Ketcham (1994).

A woman in her mid-70s and her recently deceased husband were accused by their two adult daughters of rape, sodomy, forced oral sex, torture by electric shock, and the ritualistic murder of babies. The older daughter, 48 years old at the time of the lawsuit, testified that she was abused from infancy until age 25 years. The younger daughter alleged abuse from infancy to age 15 years. A granddaughter also claimed that she was abused by her grandmother from infancy to age 8 years.

The memories were recovered when the adult daughters went into therapy in 1987 and 1988. After the breakup of her third marriage, the older daughter started psychotherapy, eventually diagnosing herself as a victim of multiple-personality disorder and satanic ritual abuse. She convinced her sister and her niece to begin therapy and joined in their therapy sessions for the first year. The 2 sisters also attended group therapy with other multiple-personality-disorder patients who claimed to be victims of satanic ritual abuse.

In therapy, the older sister recalled a horrifying incident that occurred when she was 4 or 5 years old. Her mother caught a rabbit, chopped off one of its ears, smeared the blood over her body, and then handed the knife to her, expecting her to kill the animal. When she refused, her mother poured scalding water over her arms. When she was 13 years old and her sister was still in diapers, a group of Satanists demanded that the sisters disembowel a dog with a knife. She remembered being forced to watch as a man (who threatened to divulge the secrets of the Satantic cult) was burned with a torch. Other members of the cult were subjected to electric shocks in rituals that took place in a cave. The cult even made her murder her own newborn baby. When asked for more details about these horrific events, she testified in court that her memory was impaired because she was frequently drugged by the cult members.

The younger sister remembered being molested on a piano bench by her father while his friends watched. She recalled being impregnated by members of the cult at ages 14 and 16 years, and that both pregnancies were ritually aborted. She remembered one incident in the library where she had to eat a jar of pus and another jar of scabs. Her daughter remembered seeing her grandmother in a black robe carrying a candle, being drugged on 2two occasions and forced to ride in a limousine with several prostitutes.

The jury found the accused woman guilty of neglect. It did not find any intent to harm and thus refused to award monetary damages. Attempts to appeal the decision have failed.

There are questions as to the authenticity of these memories. The infancy memories are almost certainly false memories, given the scientific literature on childhood amnesia. Moreover, no evidence in the form of bones or dead bodies was ever produced which might have corroborated the human-sacrifice memories recounted by the women. The question as to where these likely false memories originated from remains. George Ganaway, a clinical assistant professor of psychiatry, has proposed that unwitting suggestions from therapy play an important role in the development of false Satanic memories in such cases.

Other evidence of how reckless or irresponsible therapeutic methods may cause false memories comes from several cases in which private investigators, posing as patients, have gone undercover into therapists’ offices (Loftus 1993). 

In one case, the pseudopatient visited the therapist complaining about nightmares and trouble sleeping. On the third visit to the therapist, the investigator was told that she was an incest survivor. In another case, Cable News Network (CNN, 1993) sent an undercover employee to the offices of an Ohio psychotherapist (who was supervised by a psychologist), wired with a hidden video camera. The pseudopatient complained of feeling depressed and having recent relationship problems with her husband. In the first session, the therapist diagnosed 'incest survivor', telling the pseudopatient she was a 'classic case'. When the pseudopatient returned for her second session, puzzled about her lack of memory, the therapist told her that her reaction was typical and that she had repressed the memory because the trauma was too horrific for her conscious mind to recall. A third case, based on surreptitious recordings of a therapist from the Southwestern region of the United States, was inspired by the previous efforts.

In the summer of 1993, a woman ('W') had a serious problem. Her older sister, a struggling artist, had a dream which she reported to her therapist, who interpreted it as evidence of a history of sexual abuse. Ultimately the sister confronted the parents in a videotaped session at the therapist’s office. The parents were mortified by the allegations, which were denied and the family was wrenched irreparably apart.

W tried desperately to find out more about the sister’s therapy. On her own initiative, she hired a private investigator to pose as a patient and seek therapy from the sister’s therapist. The private investigator called herself 'Ruth'. She visited the therapist (a counsellor) twice, and secretly tape-recorded both of the sessions.

In the first session, Ruth told the therapist that she had been rear-ended in an auto accident a few months earlier and was having trouble getting over it. Ruth said that she would just sit for weeks and cry for no apparent reason. The therapist seemed totally disinterested in getting any history regarding the accident, but instead wanted to talk about Ruth’s childhood. While discussing her early life, Ruth volunteered a recurring dream that she had had in childhood and said the dream had now returned. In the dream she is 4 or 5 years old and there is a massive white bull after her that catches her and gores her somewhere in the upper thigh area, leaving her covered with blood.

The therapist decided that the stress and sadness that Ruth was currently experiencing was tied to her childhood, since she’d had the same dream as a child. She decided the 'night terrors' were evidence that Ruth was suffering from post-traumatic-stress disorder (PTSD). It was decided that they would use guided imagery to find the source of the childhood trauma. Before actually launching this approach, the therapist informed Ruth that she (the therapist), was an incest survivor, stating: 'I was incested by my grandfather'.

During the guided imagery, Ruth was asked to imagine herself as a very young child. She then talked about the trauma of her parents’ divorce and of her father’s remarriage to a younger woman who resembled Ruth herself. The therapist wanted to know if Ruth’s father had had affairs, and she told Ruth that hers had, and that this was a 'generational' thing that came from the grandfathers. The therapist led Ruth through confusing/suggestive/manipulative imagery, involving a man holding down a little girl somewhere in a bedroom. 

The therapist decided that Ruth was suffering from a 'major grief issue' and told her it was sexual, stating: 'I don’t think, with the imagery and his marrying someone who looks like you, that it could be anything else'.

In the second session, when Ruth questioned the idea that she was the victim of childhood sexual abuse, she was told that the dreams of being held down by her father in a bedroom, and the imagery of blood on thighs, gave a clear and persuasive indication of sexual abuse. Even when Ruth expressed doubt, the therapist would not be convinced otherwise. She told Ruth that many people cannot recall early childhood abuse, and the memories had probably been triggered by her car accident. 

The therapist then shared her own experienced of childhood abuse, which had resulted in her adopting destructive behaviours, such as excessive drinking and spending, developing anorexia nervosa and bulimia etc. She then encouraged Ruth to read a book about recovering and healing from childhood sexual abuse, and made reference to the sections on confronting the perpetrator/abuser, which although not suitable for all, may be a very empowering experience. The therapist then recounted her treatment of W's sister, in such detail, that it was possible for Ruth to identify the patient. 

The therapist described how memory may be sometimes inaccurate in terms of ages, times or places. She then told Ruth about a 'new memory' recalled by W's sister, which had emerged while she was laying awake in bed. The memory involved her hands moving uncontrollably fast - faster than would be possible in real-life - and implicated the act of masturbating a male. 

Ruth's mother was then brought into her second session, towards the end. It was suggested to her that she was guilty of neglecting or betraying Ruth. When Ruth again questioned the possibility that her imagination was responsible for the memories, she was told that it would be highly unlikely that she would imagine such a traumatic and negative experience - in the therapist's view, it would be more likely that her imagination would have created a positive or pleasant false memory. She also stated that a therapist friend had indicated that the only proof you require in order to determine if something really happened was that the person thinks that it did. The therapist would not be persuaded away from her abuse-agenda and she brought this interpretation of events into every aspect of her therapy with Ruth - from the way Ruth answered questions, to her approach to dreaming.

Some authors have offered individual case studies as evidence that a stream of traumas can be massively repressed, although such studies may omit to include critical information relevant to the issues. Take for example, the case of Jennifer H, offered by Kandel & Kandel (1994) which describes a corroborated de-repressed memory. 

According to the case study, Jennifer was a 23 year old musician who recovered memories in therapy of her father raping her from the ages of 4 - 17 years. As her memories resurfaced, her panic attacks and other symptoms receded. Her father, a mechanical-engineering professor, denied any abuse took place. Jennifer sued her father, and at trial 'corroborative evidence' was produced: Jennifer’s mother testified that she had seen the father lying on top of Jennifer’s 14 year old sister, and that he had once fondled a babysitter who was in her early teens at the time of the sexual assault. The defendant’s sister recalled him propositioning young girls. However, the account by Kandel & Kandel neglects to include some important facts which are relevant to how we interpret this matter.

Jennifer’s case against her father went to trial in June 1993 in the U.S. District Court for the District of Massachusetts (Hoult v Hoult, (1993)) and received considerable media attention. From the trial transcript, we learn that Jennifer, the oldest of 4 children, began therapy in the fall of 1984 with an unlicensed New York psychotherapist (for problems with her boyfriend and divided loyalties surrounding her parents’ divorce). 

Over the next year or so, Jennifer reportedly experienced recurring nightmares with violent themes, and waking terrors. Her therapist practiced a Gestalt method of therapy, in which Jennifer was encouraged to visualise events from the past. She claimed: 'I started the same thing of shutting my eyes and just trying to feel the feelings and not let them go away really fast. And [my therapist] just said ‘Can you see anything?’...I couldn’t see anything..and then all of a sudden I saw this carved bedpost from my room when I was a child...And then T saw my father, and I could feel him sitting on the bed next to me, and he was pushing me down, and I was saying, ‘No’. And he started pushing up my nightgown and...was touching me with his hands on my breast, and then between my legs, and then he was touching me with his mouth..and then it just all like went away. It was like...on TV if there is all static...It was, all of a sudden it was plusssssh, all stopped. And then I slowly opened my eyes in the session and I said, ‘I never knew that happened to me'.

Later Jennifer would have flashbacks that were so vivid that she could feel the lumpy blankets of her childhood bed. She remembered her father choking her and raping her in her parents bedroom when she was about 12 or 13 years old. She remembered her father threatening to rape her with a fishing pole in the den when she was about 6 or 7 years old. She remembers her father raping her in the basement when she was in high school. The rape stopped just as her mother called down for them to come to dinner. She remembered her father raping her at her grandparents home when she was in high school, while the large family were cooking and kids were playing. She remembered her father threatening to cut her with a letter opener, holding a kitchen knife to her throat. She remembered him chasing her through the house with knives, trying to kill her, when she was about 13 years old.

Jennifer also remembered a couple of incidents involving her mother. She remembered one time when she was raped in the bathroom and went to her mother wrapped in a towel with blood dripping. She remembered another incident, in which her father was raping her in her parents’ bedroom and her mother came to the door and said: 'David'. The father then stopped raping her and went out to talk to the mother. Jennifer’s mother said she had no recollection of these events, or of any sexual abuse taking place. An expert witness testifying for Jennifer said it is common in cases of incest that mothers ignore the signs of abuse.

Jennifer was involved in years of therapy. During the course of her memory development, Jennifer joined numerous sexual-abuse survivor groups, read books about sexual abuse, wrote letters and newspaper columns on sexual abuse and contacted legislators. In one letter, written to the President of Barnard College on 7 February 1987, Jennifer claimed: 'I am a victim of incestuous abuse by my father and physical abuse by my mother'. 

In another letter to her friend Jane, written in January 1988, she talked about her therapy, stating: 'Well, my memories came out...when I would sit and focus on my feelings which I believe I call visualization exercises because I would try to visualize what I was feeling or be able to bring into my eyes what I could see'. She told Jane about her Gestalt therapy: 'In Gestalt therapy, the sub-personalities are allowed to take over and converse with one another and hopefully resolve their conflicts. Each personality gets a different chair, and when one new one starts to speak, the individual changes into that personality’s seat. It sounds weird, and it is. But is also an amazing journey into one’s self. I’ve come to recognize untold universes within myself. It feels often very much like a cosmic battle when they ate all warring with one another'.

In one letter, written on 11 January 1989, to another rape survivor, Jennifer said that her father had raped her approximately 3,000 times. In another letter, dated 30 January 1989, she wrote: 'Underneath all the tinsel and glitter was my father raping me every 2 days. My mother smiling and pretending not to know what the hell was going on, and probably Dad abusing my siblings as well'. In a letter written on 24 April 1989, to Mother Jones magazine she said that she had survived hundreds of rapes by her father.

Before October 1985, Jennifer testified, she didn’t 'know' that her father had ever put his penis in her vagina, or that he had put his penis in her mouth, or that he put his mouth on her vagina. She paid her therapist $19,329.59 to acquire that knowledge.

In summary, Jennifer reported that she had been molested by her father from the ages of 4 - 17 years of age; that she was molested hundreds if not thousands of times, even if she could not remember all of the incidents; that this sometimes happened with many family members nearby, and with her mother’s 'involvement' in some instances; and that she buried these memories until she was 24 years or age, at which time they purportedly began to return to her. 

These are a few of the key facts that the Kandels left out of their case study. Jennifer was on the stand for nearly 3 days during the trial of her father. She had 'experts' to testify that they believed her memories were real. These experts were apparently unaware of, or unwilling to heed, Yapko’s (1994) warnings about the impossibility (without independent corroboration), of distinguishing reality from invention and his urgings that symptoms by themselves cannot establish the existence of past abuse. At trial, Jennifer’s fathers defence was that the memories were implausible and false. The jury awarded Jennifer $500,000.


Alien Abduction, Demonic Visitation, Hauntings & Sleep Paralysis
The creation of false memories through dreams is not limited to theme of childhood sexual abuse. For example, many 'alien abduction' accounts have been attributed to false memory syndrome and dreaming. Research from Harvard University (Clancy, 2005) has suggested that many memories of alien abduction - or alien visitation - occur during false awakenings and sleep paralysis. This is because, often, sleep paralysis is accompanied by visual or auditory hallucinations, such as flashing lights or buzzing noises. The dreamer may see figures and feel the physical presence of another being in their bedroom. Sleep paralysis occurs when the ordinary separation between wakefulness and sleep goes out of synchronization. It has been described as 'dreaming with your eyes open'. I tend to describe this phenomenon as a 'limbo' between dreams and reality. This experience encourages the dreamer to believe that they are actually awake and really experiencing events, which may include levitation, electric shock, probing or sexual penetration by the alien being. 

Clancy states that 25% of the population experience sleep paralysis, with 5% experiencing hallucinations which appear to suggest alien abduction to the dreamer. The individual who seeks therapy to explain what has happened, may undergo processes such as hypnosis, regression, guided imagery and relaxation, all of which may place them in a suggestible frame of mind, which further validates their memories of what happened and convinces them that this was an actual event, not a simple dream. False awakenings with sleep paralysis and hypnagogic hallucinations may also explain accounts of demonic visitation and hauntings by ghosts, as well as the occurrence of other paranormal phenomena which resists alternative explanation. 

There is a wealth of literature on the phenomenon of false memory syndrome and dreaming. This article contains a few notable studies and examples, but entire theses and books have been dedicated to the theme and research into this area continues.